ARTISTRY OF MARILYNN LEA STARK
OH SAY NATION: A Political Commentary 2nd Edition
Drugs: The Quiet Civil War
By Mariylnn Stark
All rights reserved. January 27, 2002
The topic of the drug trade and its concomitant culture in America today is not exactly formidable to one who clearly sees from a politically scientific point of view the inexorably cyclic nature of the honored moral imperative, the social fiber, which obtains in great societies. It is of the utmost importance to analyze any matter in the political arena in a context relevant to the times, to the age in which we live; then a greater sense is made in such analysis if only because a fuller truth has guided the thinking. If one first perceives correctly the nature of the times, then one can reason according to a real picture and thus draw conclusions of great validity towards how best to guide change. However, seeing a social condition which is sliding downward as fitting for the era in which we live does not and should not be fuel for its continuation; it does not hold that any should be lax or even remiss in efforts for reform and reconditioning of that society only because a societal decay exists in the first place. It is only to say that it is easier to face the deterioration which is concomitant with a widespread drug underworld in any nation if one understands that religiosity is cyclic in mankind together. Therefore, any nation which leads is likely to bear the leading edge of change which is widely due all in the global village context, and we of the United States do lead in the geopolitical arena today. This observation of the cyclic nature of purism, of religiosity, also engenders a certain measure of hope for us since once fathomed in the trough of a cycle, the socio-political phase must certainly make its upswing to the crest once again. Moreover, at the apical realization of social propriety and righteousness lie our roots, our history, for which greater realization we must strive to meet once again at all costs. Never should we of the United States of America bow to a Machiavellian grip on our values and conscience as a nation.
This brings to mind the political science treatise of Alexis de Tocqueville, "Democracy in America." There is a cogent truth this author speaks regarding the nature of social condition which is quoted here:
No citizen in his/her right mind would just bend to the place of drugs as a trade to lend a greater equality in the distribution of wealth in our nation today. However, if one studies the destructive factors which actually rationalize the very presence of that drug trade at the source level and also historically wherein the underworld chiefs themselves fended, then one would see that there had been a marked ethno-centric defense in the idea that such organized crime would serve a greater purpose in the end. Many of the families which established their rule in the crime culture of the underworld felt justified in so doing due to their sense of being discriminated against for their ethnicity. The prospects for ruling crime families of achieving a greater realization of the American Dream were dim. These people at once admired the widely prevailing social condition in our country and also actually felt that they could do some good for many of their kind by taking the laws into their own hands; according to their disheveled standards, in order to redistribute the wealth which they saw as inaccessible to some but for their ethnic backgrounds the laws would no longer matter except as obstacles to their stealth of civic order.
One can discern, therefore, how it might be that the drug culture ever grew so fast here in America to the point now where the prevalence of drugs is claiming dangerously the innocence of our own youth with that claim even in the social forum of the schools. In the schools lies the richness of the formative years of our children, and for that reason the educational system has been nurtured by our legislation at all levels of structure: local, state and federal, as well as by the citizens themselves who live in communities all across America. We have reached an epidemical point of acuteness in the violence which is bred by the outlaws of the drug world; this epidemic of social violence is being mirrored to us as we witness the terror which has struck our schools in the visage, the almost incomprehensible visage, of the school massacrer. This should give us pause to reassess the viability of our social condition, to ask ourselves point-blank whether or not our domestic tranquility can be preserved.
In the formation of our democracy through time since its inception, the laws co-factored with circumstances worked together to help form a social condition which was conducive to the vibrancy of our great democratic spirit; this analytic truth had guided de Tocqueville's political treatise on our democracy. An important point to consider here is that once formulated according to these two factors cited by de Tocqueville, the social condition as discerned by him then works in a feedbackfashion so as to become the very source of further laws. But it had been the basic value for equality of all in the formative years of this Republic which had fostered the propriety of laws in the first place; indeed, it was the idea of equality for all that had therefore helped create the prevailing good social conditions for seemingly all, for the visible majority.
If we therefore apply this analytical reasoning of social condition upon the destiny of our judicio-legal sector, upon the destiny of its preservation for its pertinence in our times, then we can discriminate as to the likelihood of our longevity even as a great democratic Republic. Thus, a leading question becomes prominent in such reasoning after our deserved destiny: if the innate equality of the individual is indeed hypostatic to the successful formation of good social condition and therefore stands much like a keystone in our foundation as a democratic Republic, then what of that equality today, in today's drug-war-torn culture which is creeping into our schools and court rooms? What could assault that great philosophical and lawfully backed equality of the American citizen, of all American citizens?
Upon this question the discourse turns to the diffuse results of drug dealing and use. There is a power structure inherent to this outlaw trade, and that structure begins to comprise its own form of informal governing. The actual individual who becomes a drug dealer, for instance, becomes over time subjugated to a life ridden with crime; such criminal mind spreads to those other individuals with whom he/she may interact or transact even in normal, above-board and legitimate matters. The problem of the mentality of such traders in contraband reaches into the wider society, ruining the social condition as it is expressed between and among the people as the game of false incrimination breeds the contempt of war; but the war is against freedom. Thus, no longer is equality the great binding factor among the people philosophically, but rather, freedom to remain outside of the fray of false incrimination by powerful drug dealers becomes a leading issue in the minds of many. The drug dealing minds have sacrificed a great measure of their sense of self-determination. They tend to promote an anarchy which belittles the great importance of the equality of all before the law, for these outlaws work to refute the laws for a living and to conscribe others into their work if even only in self-defense, as they see it. They have lost the sense widely that they have any choice in their actions, and they may resent the innocent and the righteous who remain as if in charge of their respective destinies unawares of any desperate struggle for freedom to retain their living as well adjusted in a social context. So the seeds of discontent among the citizenry are being sown among us by the outlaws of the drug world, encroaching silently at first upon the domestic scene and creating a civic disaster, a warfare of false incrimination and also incrimination; this work of outlaws from the drug underworld, desperate as it actually is, constitutes a quiet civil war among us. If a person does not feel free and is ruled over by a mob boss who distributes drugs, and said person is expected to deal those drugs since it is in binding contract and in secrecy, we have heard then it can be binding unto death itself. In conclusion, then, the war against freedom is on. In that sense of loss of freedom and even with the money which comes alongside the crime venture of drug dealing -- to be dictated over and told what to do -- the basic respect for the equality of all becomes profligated to the corrupt idea that freedom is a commodity for people and not a cherished value to be nurtured across a lifetime of good living by the duties incumbent upon any good and freely thinking citizen. It is one thing for a social condition to breed discontent but for unfair laws. Indeed, such unfair laws might even be derived as a case where a universalized sense of discontent exists among those governed over by some few who disregard others. Many times the disregard of a ruling few involves denying as many as possible any sense of equality they might cherish. However, it is then another for a social condition to breed discontent for the brandishing of profoundly insidious disregard for the laws which are based at once upon the equality of all before the law and that for equal justice before the law even outside the sordid influence of a ruling few. But those who live as drug dealers outside the laws of the governing system cannot care for the sense of equality which is the founding pillar of our system of jurisprudence. These drug regime outlaws therefore are sponsors of an anarchy which will eventually necessitate settlement based upon a modification of our current laws; moreover, theorists always worry after the preservation of our full civic freedoms and rights when the arm of the judicio-legal system extends its reach ever further into the lives of our innocent and righteous people.
The ultimate outcome of our deteriorating social condition due to the effects of the widespread drug culture with its laissez-faire music practices and exaggerated attire as advertising accompaniment cannot be known precisely, of course. In the first half of the 1800's Alexis de Tocqueville saw an agrarian economy in America. Today we are a highly industrialized nation. Even though the economy is lifting even further off the ground, off the very surface of the earth but for the burning of its fossil fuels; and moreover, a further lift occurs as we witness the virtual power of the age of cybernetics to place its pioneering input as an unknown factor in the growth of our economic ventures. Even so, the insidious power of the insubstantial wealth of the underworld with its poisonous tentacles infiltrating the U.S. dollar ever haunts us. Insubstantial wealth which is not measured and integrated into our monetary system at some given and known level of infiltration can topple a nation for its economic stability first, causing a cycle of devastated social condition; thereafter, such devastation can wax into an overturn totally also of the governing system as we know it.
This danger of the power of the drug-born revolution, besides creating an ugly scene in our everyday lives as we now live them, is also a task for the scientific visions of our thinkers and leaders to guard against. One of the most powerful ways to inspire a turnaround and then an overturn of the drug trade other than a spiritual upliftment in the people is to grant amnesty for those in the drug war who want peace and can give over to an organized state contingency of courageous monitors widely. The optimum way for great reform would require that the abusers of drugs -- dealers and users alike -- would purify beyond interest in drugs as individuals. In such a putative reform of our by now drug-ridden nation, whether we grow therein to the need for remarkable militancy we do not know; invaluable information as to source, structure and personnel involved in the drug trafficking could constitute barter for amnesty for those reformed.
It can be done.
© 2002 by Marilynn Lea Stark
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